Taoist Emperors in Chinese History

Yue Shixuan (Yu Sheng)

Aside from a few emperors who manipulated power and pursued immortality, claiming to believe in Laozi and Zhuangzi but not truly embracing them, Chinese history has occasionally seen emperors who genuinely believed in Taoism. They used Taoist principles to guide their vast empires. While Laozi listed many principles for governing a state, from a Taoist perspective, he merely demanded that the government cease interfering with the original society. Laozi and Zhuangzi were neither politicians nor political philosophers, much less like Rousseau. Rousseau openly outlined a blueprint for an authoritarian government, allowing charismatic leaders to have full authority and represent the interests of the vast majority. Rousseau’s ideal government closely resembled the Confucian ideal of virtuous governance.

The political thought of Taoism borders on anarchism, retaining government but demanding that it cease its functions. This can be seen in Lao Tzu’s attitude towards war; Lao Tzu was a rare extreme pacifist. The ancient Greek scholar Heraclitus (?-540-470 BC), on the other hand, said, “War is the father of all things, war is the king of all things. War makes some gods, some men; some slaves, some free men.” Heraclitus’s statement is supported by modern state theory, which posits that the state is a product of irreconcilable class conflict, and violence is the foundation of the modern order. Heraclitus lived in a newly emerging two-class society and possessed a thorough understanding of its nature before making this statement. He clearly pointed out that war created the different classes of gods, free men, and slaves.

Lao Tzu also had a thorough understanding of secondary societies, but he leaned towards the primordial society, so he viewed war through the lens of primordial societal ideals. In Chapter 69, Lao Tzu said that when two armies face each other, one should not carry weapons, nor should one roll up one’s sleeves or expose one’s chest, so that the other side clearly understands one’s peaceful intentions. Lao Tzu also said, “Weapons are inauspicious instruments, not the instruments of a gentleman. They are used only as a last resort, and tranquility is paramount. Victory is not beautiful; those who find beauty in it delight in killing. Those who delight in killing will not gain the support of the world.” “When many are killed, mourn and weep; when victorious in battle, treat it with the rites of a funeral” (Chapter 31).

Lao Tzu viewed victory in war as a bad thing because it resulted in death on both sides, requiring funeral rites. If a nation today handled war in this way, the army would fall into chaos, the people would rebel, and the government would collapse amidst widespread opposition. The government Lao Tzu envisioned could not survive in reality; therefore, the essence of Lao Tzu’s thought is anarchy. How many dynasties throughout history, both ancient and modern, gained power without bloodshed and infighting? This demonstrates that Lao Tzu’s ideals transcend reality.

Influenced by Daoist thought and the traditional two-tiered social structure of China, compared to the West, China rarely studied how to establish a more rational two-tiered society. Even worse, they actually adopted a set of policies somewhere between a primitive society and a two-tiered society. Confucianism was conceived for the early stages of a two-tiered society; Confucius did not consider the entire two-tiered system, therefore he lacked ideas for social structural reform. In contrast, the various city-states of ancient Greece had vastly different systems, from monarchical autocracy to democracy, opening up diverse political avenues for the ancient Greeks.

In ancient China, emperors held absolute power. While Confucianism offered a theory of an ideal monarch and ideal politics, it lacked practical methods to keep the emperor within the expected ideal framework. One of the mistakes made by ancient Chinese emperors was treating the vast country as a primitive society, like a father managing a family. Several Daoist emperors in history are examples of this. Of course, they selectively adopted Daoist teachings and did not fully conform to them, but their achievements were still remarkable and became the subject of this article. There were five Daoist emperors in total; the first two were father and son, so they will be discussed together.

Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing of Han reigned for a total of 39 years (180-141 BC), a period known in history as the “Rule of Wen and Jing,” considered the only successful example of a Daoist political experiment in history. Li Shen (2003) argues that after Mencius and before the founding of the People’s Republic of China, there were three historical periods considered relatively good, with the Wen-Jing era being one of them. The other two are the “Rule of Zhenguan” during the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang and the “Kangxi-Qianlong Era” of the Qing Dynasty. During the Wen-Jing era, the country was wealthy and the people were at peace. Historical records state that “the money in the capital was piled up to hundreds of millions, so much so that it rotted and could not be counted; the grain in the imperial granary was piled up in layers, overflowing and exposed to the elements, rotting and inedible.” In other words, the national treasury was filled with money and grain that were impossible to calculate and manage, and could only be left to rot. The nation’s wealth did not come from forced taxation and plunder; on the contrary, it came from the Daoist ideal of near-anarchy. Therefore, it was the only successful application of Daoist philosophy on the Chinese political stage.

The government is responsible for the social management and service of surplus production value, including the military. Modern Western countries levy approximately 30% of their income tax, plus shopping tax, property tax, and so on, demonstrating the sheer size of modern governments. The near-anarchic state during the reigns of Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing can be inferred from the state’s tax revenue: Emperor Wen initially levied a tax of one-fifteenth, which was abolished in 167 BC, and Emperor Jing later changed it to one-thirtieth. This quasi-anarchic state is akin to the Daoist concept of non-action (wuwei), where a government exists, but its administrative policy is one of appeasement and pacification.

The political atmosphere during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing can be summarized by Lao Tzu’s Three Treasures: frugality, compassion, and not striving to be the first in the world. During his twenty-three-year reign, Emperor Wen of Han did not add any new palaces, gardens, or imperial implements such as carriages and horses. The palace curtains were not embroidered, and he himself wore black clothing, as did the empress. During spring planting, he led his officials in cultivating a plot of land, while the empress led the palace women in gathering mulberry leaves and raising silkworms. The resulting food and silk were used for palace sacrifices. Once, someone suggested building a platform for the emperor to observe celestial phenomena, requiring one hundred taels of gold. Emperor Wen said, “One hundred taels of gold is equivalent to the property of ten middle-class households. I live in the palace of the late emperor and often feel ashamed and uneasy; how can I add more?”

During the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing, politics was based on compassion, with lenient punishments and light taxes. During the reign of Emperor Wen of Han, a local official was sentenced to punishment. His youngest daughter wrote a letter offering to become a government slave to atone for her father’s crime, hoping to give him a chance to reform. Emperor Wen, upon learning of this, was moved by her intention and issued an edict stating, “The Book of Poetry says, ‘A kind and gentle ruler is the parent of the people.’ Now, when people err, punishment is inflicted before any education is given, and some may wish to change their ways but find no way to do so. I deeply pity this. But punishments that involve cutting limbs and carving skin, lasting a lifetime, are extremely painful and immoral. How can this be considered the intention of a parent of the people? Therefore, I hereby abolish corporal punishment.” This was Emperor Wen’s abolition of corporal punishment in the thirteenth year of his reign, and in the same year, he also exempted people from land taxes. Emperor Wen also showed the same compassion towards his subjects. When the King of Wu feigned illness and refused to attend court, Emperor Wen of Han bestowed upon him a walking stick. When a minister accepted bribes, Emperor Wen of Han used his own money to give them to him.

Not striving to be the first in the world means not valuing competition and prioritizing harmony. The Han Dynasty far surpassed the surrounding minority groups in culture and institutions, and was willing to treat them with brotherly equality, minimizing border conflicts. When the King of Nanyue proclaimed himself emperor, Emperor Wen of Han addressed him as brother, causing the King of Nanyue to feel ashamed and relinquish his imperial title. The Xiongnu in the north were fierce and warlike, frequently clashing with the Han Dynasty. Emperor Wen said, “I am unwise and unable to extend my virtue far enough, thus causing unrest among the foreign lands.” He attributed the Xiongnu’s meddling to his own fault, his insufficient morality, and his lack of influence. Guided by this Taoist philosophy, the main principles were to maintain peace through marriage and brotherhood, to give gifts of money, and sometimes to deploy troops on the frontier to intimidate and keep the border relatively peaceful.

Although few records remain of Emperor Jing of Han, the edicts selected in *Guwen Guanzhi* (Anthology of Ancient Prose) demonstrate that he also adhered to the Daoist ideals of frugality, compassion, and not seeking precedence over others. The translation of this edict is as follows:

Carving and engraving harm agriculture, and embroidery and printing harm women workers. Damaged agriculture leads to hunger, and harmed women workers result in a lack of clothing to keep warm. When hunger and cold strike, few will refrain from breaking the law. I personally cultivate the land, and the Empress personally grows mulberry trees; the produce is used for the ancestral temple. I do not accept tributes, reduce the number of officials, and cut back on corvée labor and taxes, all so that the whole nation may value agriculture and weaving, and accumulate resources to prepare for famine. The strong should not plunder the weak, and the many should not oppress the widowed and orphaned; the elderly should live to a ripe old age, and the young should be cared for. This year’s harvest is poor, and the people lack food; where exactly did we go wrong? Or perhaps fraudsters have become officials, greedy like merchants, robbing and plundering the people. The county magistrate is the head of the county; if they rely on their official power to commit fraud and pervert the law, this is certainly not the original intention of the state in establishing officials. Therefore, I hereby order two thousand officials to investigate the duties of their superiors. Those who are incompetent and whose duties are not properly investigated may be reported to the prime minister for their crimes, and this will be announced to the world so that everyone knows my intention.

The emperor ruled by non-interference, promoting the Daoist principles of frugality, compassion, and non-contention. However, the Han Dynasty was not the simple, ancient era of Yao, Shun, and Yu; people still remembered the extravagance and ostentation of the Qin Dynasty’s imperial court. This may have provided an opportunity for local criminal forces to rise. During the reign of Emperor Jing of Han, seven vassal kings from Wu, Chu, and other regions rebelled. Zhou Yafu, who led troops to quell the rebellion, adopted Daoist military principles: instead of direct attacks, he cut off the enemy’s food supplies. When the enemy fled in hunger, Zhou Yafu encouraged those around him to assassinate the rebel leader with large sums of money. The rebellion was quelled within three months. It is worth noting that Zhou Yafu defied Emperor Jing’s orders to adopt this strategy, reflecting the democratic elements in the relationship between the emperor and his ministers at that time. The rebellions of the feudal lords and their suppression paved the way for further centralization of power. Coupled with political stability and the accumulation of wealth, this provided Emperor Wu of Han with an opportunity to realize his ambitions. Had it not been for the favorable political atmosphere left by Emperors Wen and Jing, Emperor Wu, who ascended the throne at the age of thirteen, might not have been able to retain his position. Under Emperor Wu, government expenditures increased nearly tenfold. He frequently launched military expeditions and performed the Fengshan ceremony at Mount Tai, exhausting the people and wasting resources. His fondness for alchemy led to a laxity in governance coupled with harsh laws, resulting in widespread peasant uprisings. In his later years, Emperor Wu of Han regretted his actions, saying, “If future generations follow my example, they will be repeating the mistakes of the fallen Qin dynasty.” Ironically, Emperor Wu’s repeated attacks on the Xiongnu spurred them to unite against the Han, making them stronger with each defeat. However, after his death, border defenses weakened, leading to the Xiongnu’s division and eventual defeat by the Han. This, in a negative sense, proves the validity of the Daoist border defense ideas of the Wen and Jing eras. On another level, it illustrates that Daoist political ideals bordered on anarchism—the Daoist ideal society was defenseless, offering no resistance to the introduction of other political forms, allowing Emperor Wu to act with impunity. Had Emperors Wen and Jing, like later emperors Taizong of Tang and Taizu of Ming, left behind a system of personnel and institutions, Emperor Wu might not have succeeded and could have done whatever he pleased. Therefore, Emperors Wen and Jing also ended in failure, only after their deaths.

The temporary success of Daoist politics during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing was due to a number of accidental factors and cannot be generalized. The Qin Dynasty ruled for only a little over a decade, cruelly suppressing wealthy merchants and relocating 700,000 wealthy households to Xianyang. Liu Bang then moved over 100,000 members of prominent families to Chang’an. Chen Sheng, Wu Guang, and Liu Bang were all of commoner origin, and Liu Bang’s army consisted entirely of peasants. Qin Shi Huang attacked from above, and Liu Bang from below, sweeping away the middle class. This also established a political tradition of emperors and peasants working together to eliminate the middle class—something early Daoist scholars had not foreseen.

Modern scholar Qi Liang refers to the early Han Dynasty as a “people’s dynasty” and a “people’s government.” He describes the political reality of this period as follows: “In a people’s dynasty, not only was the emperor of humble origin, but the origins of its princes and ministers were also mostly of low social standing.” “More importantly, the Han Dynasty, as a people’s government, was not only founded by commoners and power was distributed among them, but power was also open to them. Through the systems of recommendation and recruitment, outstanding individuals from the common people were selected into the circle of power, granted official titles and ranks, and this became a formal system.” (Qi Liang, 2001, Vol. 1, p. 562)

Chinese farmers are naturally inclined towards Taoism because their way of life is what Laozi and Zhuangzi admired, and their natural worldview forms the basis of Taoist theory. Therefore, when the early Han dynasty was ruled by peasants, they naturally gravitated towards Taoism. Another factor was the vast territory and sparse population. Historical records indicate that the Qin dynasty had a population of approximately 20 million, and many died in wars. The Han dynasty’s territory far exceeded one million square kilometers, with only a dozen or so people per square kilometer. Much of the land was undeveloped, resulting in less social conflict. This vast territory and sparse population also facilitated the realization of Taoist political ideals.

A government founded by commoners is still a government, and government is a breeding ground for bureaucracy. Chinese bureaucrats favored Confucianism, while emperors favored Legalism. Thus, Emperor Wu of Han created a hybrid of Confucianism and Legalism—Imperial Confucianism. After the formation of the large landowning class and the deeply entrenched bureaucracy within the government, advocating Daoist politics was futile. The emperor’s advocacy of non-action only allowed cunning politicians to commit wrongdoing. Therefore, the three Daoist emperors who followed all failed, leading to extremely serious consequences. Although their ideas differed from those of the early Han emperors, they all sincerely believed in Daoism. The biggest difference in Daoism itself lay in the establishment of Daoism as a religion and the solidification of Zhuangzi’s thought within it. As a result, these three Daoist emperors later became tainted with the superstitious belief in immortality.

Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (reigned 712-756) rose to power by overcoming the influence of Empress Wu Zetian and Empress Wei, both devout Buddhists. Therefore, from the outset, he leaned towards Taoism amidst the conflict between Buddhism and Taoism, bringing the Tang Dynasty’s Taoist activities to their peak. Emperor Xuanzong personally received Taoist ordination, bestowed the title of “Taiyi Zhenren” upon Yang Guifei, and they were both considered members of the Taoist organization, becoming true Taoist priests. He also took Taoist priests such as Zhang Guo, Wu Yun, and Ma Chengzhen as his teachers. Emperor Xuanzong established the Chongxuan Hall, stipulated the Taoist examination system, and used the four classic texts of Zhuangzi, Wenzi, Liezi, and Gengsangzi for the examinations. He established the position of Xuanxue Boshi (Doctor of Metaphysics), and designated the Tao Te Ching as the foremost of all classics, personally writing commentaries on it and distributing them throughout the empire. This is the *Imperial Commentary on the Daodejing* and the *Imperial Commentary on the Daodejing* by Emperor Xuanzong of Tang. Emperor Xuanzong also vigorously promoted Daoist music. He used the *Brahma Song* as a base, embellished it, and added lyrics to create the *Rainbow Feather Robe Song*, a famous piece in the history of Chinese music. Emperor Xuanzong also wrote poetry; two poems are listed below:

Send Master Hu back to the Western Mountain

The immortal traveler is weary of the mortal world; a solitary cloud is more idyllic than he is.

Words of parting linger, yet the sorrow remains; across misty waters and towering mountains.

Inscription on the portrait of Consort Mei

I recall the proud concubine in the Imperial Palace, who, though adorned with finery, remained innocent and carefree.

Although the frost-covered silk resembles the state of mind of that time, the delicate waves of the water are indifferent to people.

While Emperor Xuanzong’s poetry may not be considered outstanding, it still holds a place among Tang poems. This assessment also applies to his achievements in music and Daoist theory. Emperor Xuanzong was a genuine believer in Daoism, not merely a politician feigning interest; he also possessed considerable artistic talent. Due to the artistic inclinations inherent in Daoism, and thanks to Emperor Xuanzong’s promotion, art flourished, and a group of artists emerged around him. The most representative figure was the great poet Li Bai. Li Bai was deeply influenced by Daoism and, through the recommendations of the Daoist figure He Zhizhang and Emperor Xuanzong’s sister, the Buddhist nun Chiying, he was able to serve in the Hanlin Academy. He Zhizhang first called Li Bai a banished immortal; later generations called Du Fu the Sage of Poetry and Li Bai the Immortal of Poetry. Li Bai’s poems are characterized by their unrestrained emotions, natural flow, rich imagination, and ethereal quality; he is truly a reincarnation of Zhuangzi. The following lines are selected from “Drinking Alone Under the Moon”:

Have you not seen the Yellow River’s waters come from the sky?

The river flows to the sea, never to return!

Don’t you see the bright mirror in the high hall reflecting the sorrow of white hair?

Her hair was as black as silk in the morning, but turned to snow by evening!

Enjoy life to the fullest when you’re successful, lest you leave your golden goblet empty before the moon.

Everyone has their own unique talents, and even if I spend all my money, it will come back again.

Emperor Xuanzong of Tang had a deep understanding of the Daoist principle of non-action (wuwei) in governance, stating, “To be tolerant and responsive to all things is to be just and selfless; when one is selfless, the world will submit, and this is true kingship,” and “To govern people with frugality and love will lead to the early submission of all nations” (from Emperor Xuanzong’s Commentary on the Daodejing). These ideas might have been invincible guiding principles in early society, representing a summary of the political experience of ancient leaders. However, in a secondary society, where cunning and treacherous individuals can be exploited for personal gain, they can form a stubborn social force. Emperor Xuanzong’s blind faith in Daoism rendered him powerless against such cunning individuals, lacking both vigilance and discernment. This led to the rise of treacherous officials like Li Linfu and Yang Guozhong. An Lushan had spent years preparing for his rebellion. Many people inside and outside the court were aware of his plot and warned Emperor Xuanzong. Emperor Xuanzong, however, hoped to win him over with favors. He granted An Lushan’s every request, even allowing Yang Guifei to adopt him as her son, adopting a paternalistic approach. Incomprehensibly, Xuanzong had those who exposed An Lushan’s plot bound and sent to An Lushan for execution. Xuanzong’s action was a clear message to An Lushan: “I, Emperor Xuanzong, know you are preparing a rebellion, but I still trust you to this extent. Do you still harbor any intention to rebel against me?”

Emperor Xuanzong’s method of dealing with An Lushan was based on his unwavering adherence to Taoism, forgetting that he lived in a secondary society and was unaware that Taoist politics was rooted in the primitive society. He treated An Lushan with complete face-to-face kinship and trust. While this approach might have been effective in a primitive society, its results in the complex secondary society were unpredictable. An Lushan exploited Emperor Xuanzong’s immense trust, falsely claiming to have received a secret imperial edict to execute Yang Guozhong. An Lushan’s statement was both deceptive and persuasive. Emperor Xuanzong was forced to execute Yang Guozhong and order the death of Yang Guifei. An Lushan rebelled, captured Chang’an, and occupied half of China for eight years. Although the rebellion was eventually suppressed, the power of the Tang Dynasty gradually fell into the hands of the regional military governors, and the Tang Dynasty began to move closer to its demise.

Chinese emperors received excellent educations from a young age, and many displayed artistic talent, but only two reached the level of first-rate artists. One was Li Yu, a poet from the Southern Tang Dynasty. The other was Emperor Huizong of the Song Dynasty (reigned 1101-1125), a famous calligrapher and painter, and also the fourth Daoist emperor discussed in this article. Emperor Huizong promoted a theocratic system, claiming himself to be the reincarnation of the Divine Emperor of Shenxiao, and proclaimed himself the Emperor of the Dao, ruling over Daoism throughout the country. Emperor Huizong established twenty-six ranks of Daoist priests and eight ranks of Daoist positions, and prohibited Daoist priests from keeping wives and slaves in palaces and temples. Because Emperor Huizong was a great lover of art and collected rare flowers and stones from all over the country, the treacherous officials Tong Guan and Cai Jing gained power. Cai Jing was a skilled calligrapher. Contemporary scholar Nan Huaijin said, “Emperor Huizong of Song’s veneration of Taoism by Wang Laozhi, Lin Lingsu and others was far from the original purpose of respecting and believing in Taoism in the Tang Dynasty. The political influence of Tong Guan, Cai Jing and Xu Zhichang, the Left Street Official, was actually behind this historic religious event. Huizong acted on impulse, just as he was obsessed with bronze and stone inscriptions, calligraphy and painting, so he did it without knowing what he was talking about.”

As quoted above from Nan Huaijin, Emperor Huizong of Song, along with Tong Guan, Cai Jing, and some Daoist priests, formed a fictional world that was half art and half religion. Such a thing would not be problematic in a primitive society; as stated in Chapter Twelve, “Imagination and Reality,” there is no insurmountable gap between imagination and reality, but this only applies to individuals or simple primitive societies. Emperor Huizong similarly blurred the lines between primitive and secondary societies; both he and his son were captured by the Jurchens. Below is a translation of the historical record:

Some gossipy people said that Guo Jing could use the Six Jia Method to capture two Jin generals alive and wipe out the Jin state completely. This method required 7,777 people. The emperor and his ministers believed this wholeheartedly and gave Guo Jing tens of thousands of taels of gold and silk, letting him recruit men himself. He recruited mostly lazy, idle people, and within ten days he had enough. As the enemy’s attacks on the Song Dynasty intensified, Guo Jing remained calm and said: “Choose a day to send troops; peace can be achieved in three days. We will fight all the way to the foot of Yinshan Mountain.” But he wouldn’t send troops until the most dangerous situation became critical. When the capital was in dire straits, Guo Jing finally led his troops to resist the Jin army, but they were defeated, and the capital fell into enemy hands. The emperor went to the Jin camp to surrender, and Emperor Huizong and his son, along with the court officials, became prisoners.

This kind of story is laughable. Some say that a nomadic tribe charging with tens of thousands of cavalry was like an atomic bomb at the time; the agricultural Song Dynasty was utterly defenseless. But surely the emperor wouldn’t be captured? Therefore, the aforementioned foolishness of Emperor Huizong of Song is believable. After being captured, Emperor Huizong was imprisoned in Yilan, Heilongjiang Province, where he died eight years later. From emperor to prisoner, he had to rely on art and imagination to overcome his difficulties. Below is a poem he wrote, gentle and elegant, showing a strong sense of using art to transform adversity into something sweet:

Eyebrows

I once cherished the splendor of Yujing, the imperial home spanning thousands of miles.

In the jade palace of Qionglin, the morning air is filled with the sounds of strings and pipes, and the evening with the sounds of sheng and pipa.

The people of Huacheng are gone, and now it is desolate; spring dreams wander through the desert sands.

Where is my home? I can’t bear to hear the Qiang flute playing its mournful tune, echoing through the plum blossoms.

Like the two emperors mentioned above, Emperor Jiajing (1152-1566) of the Ming Dynasty was a devout follower of Taoism, which led to the decline of his dynasty. Compared to the four emperors mentioned above, Emperor Jiajing’s Taoism bordered on superstition. He was fond of three things: elixirs of immortality, secret formulas for commanding ghosts and spirits, and spells for summoning wind and rain. Upon ascending the throne, Emperor Jiajing became engrossed in Taoist activities, neglecting state affairs. Although many ministers tried to persuade him, he dismissed, imprisoned, or beheaded them. He turned the palace into a place of cultivation and a laboratory for refining elixirs. He even posthumously bestowed long Taoist names upon his parents and called himself “Lingxiao Shangqing Tonglei Yuanyang Miaoyi Feixuan Zhenjun.” He established Taoism as the state religion and made himself the national religious leader. This led to a large number of unscrupulous Taoist priests and scoundrels gaining favor, engaging in favoritism, corruption, and misconduct. The treacherous minister Yan Song was in power, resulting in political corruption, numerous peasant uprisings, and severe border troubles. The Tatars in the north caused unrest, and Japanese pirates took the opportunity to invade China, which was the problem of northern invaders and southern Japanese pirates.

Huang Renyu (1997) commented on Emperor Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty as follows: “His main interests lay in praying to immortals and seeking Taoist secrets for immortality. He lived in a villa in the imperial city, but he could not be regarded as a typical lazy ruler, because apart from not appearing in public, he still made decisions on important state affairs unilaterally, and sometimes even interfered in the details. This emperor’s love of vanity and intolerance of criticism were unparalleled. He only associated with a few sycophants and heard all sorts of falsehoods. When he found that important matters had been ruined, he executed a former confidant to shirk responsibility and quell public opinion. This practice made the court officials only seek self-preservation and care even less about the interests of the country.”

Yan Song once sent Emperor Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty a golden tortoise that was said to be over 500 years old. Beforehand, the tortoise was dyed to appear extraordinary. Emperor Jiajing ordered palace maids to keep it, but the dye dissolved and became poisonous, and the tortoise quickly died. Emperor Jiajing was extremely cruel to his palace maids, frequently beating them with sticks, resulting in the deaths of over two hundred people. The palace maids believed that if the emperor knew the tortoise was dead, they would surely die. So, four palace maids together attempted to strangle Emperor Jiajing with a rope, but in their panic, they tied a knot that slipped, allowing him to escape. This rare incident is enough to demonstrate how cruel and inhumane Emperor Jiajing was, quite different from the compassionate heart of Daoist thought.

In the spring of 1566, Hai Rui, a minister known for his integrity and outspokenness, wrote to Emperor Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty, strongly denouncing the pursuit of immortality as a vain idea and criticizing the emperor for being unreasonable. Hai Rui said, “If the two princes do not meet, people will think they are unkind to their father and son; if they use suspicion, slander, and humiliation to kill their subjects, people will think they are unkind to their ruler and his subjects; if he enjoys the Western Garden and does not return to the palace, people will think he is unkind to his wife.” After reading the memorial, Emperor Shizong of Ming threw it to the ground and shouted, “Don’t let him escape!” The eunuch beside him said, “Your Majesty, there is no need to be angry. This man will not escape. Before writing this memorial, he had already bought a coffin, bid farewell to his family, and his servants had all fled.” Only then did Emperor Shizong pick up the memorial, read it again, and still felt unable to swallow his anger. He ordered Hai Rui’s arrest. The Ministry of Justice decided to execute Hai Rui by hanging according to the law for a son cursing his father. Perhaps due to his poor health at the time, Emperor Jiajing did not approve the Ministry of Justice’s request, and ten months later he died of poisoning from elixirs. Ultimately, it was the pursuit of immortality that killed him, leaving the mess of the country for others to clean up. His last edict stated, “It was only because of my many illnesses that I excessively sought immortality, which led me to be misled by wicked people.” He seemed to have come to some realization.

When I was studying the history of Taoism in China, I randomly selected the five emperors mentioned above because they were the only ones who best fit the title of “Taoist Emperors.” However, I later unexpectedly discovered a gradual evolution among them. From Emperor Wen of Han, Emperor Jing of Han, and Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, to Emperor Huizong of Song and Emperor Shizong of Ming, Emperors Wen and Jing were the best, while Emperor Shizong was the worst. Emperor Xuanzong was closer to Emperors Wen and Jing, possessing a benevolent spirit; Emperor Huizong was closer to Emperor Shizong, exhibiting superstitious misconceptions. This gradual evolution was not the work of the emperors themselves, but rather a reflection of the evolution of Chinese history in their lives. Their estrangement from Daoist philosophy was a gradual process; their estrangement from political reality was also a gradual process. This was because Chinese society was gradually moving towards a typical secondary society, and under the influence of Daoism, their way of thinking remained close to that of primitive society. They gradually used Daoism, Daoist priests, and the treacherous officials and villains around them to create a fictitious world for themselves, separating it from the real secondary society. However, they continued to dictate to the reality of the secondary society from their fictitious world, leading to increasingly serious consequences. The fact that the Tang, Song, and Ming dynasties all turned from prosperity to decline due to three Daoist emperors is no coincidence. In the last section of the previous chapter, we mentioned the social model after the Qin and Han dynasties, the highest level of which was the imperial family. Over the course of more than two thousand years of social evolution in China, this imperial family gradually became distorted, with the secondary social hierarchy first infiltrating the imperial family. According to Mencius’s theory, the families of the emperor and feudal lords had the power to depose the emperor and install a new one. This stemmed from the idea that in primitive society, leaders could be chosen, and the emperor and feudal lords were essentially part of that primitive society. This meant using the family to keep the emperor living within and bound by the primitive society. The families of Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing were closer to Mencius’s ideal, while the family of Emperor Shizong of Ming was far removed from Mencius’s ideal, exhibiting more characteristics of a secondary social hierarchy. The aforementioned incident of Emperor Shizong punishing palace maids with caning illustrates this. Emperor Shizong also showed no affection for his own family; all three of his empresses died at his hands. Empress Chen died from a miscarriage after being kicked by him; Empress Zhang died in the Cold Palace after being deposed; Emperor Shizong of Ming harbored resentment towards Empress Fang and deliberately had her burned alive during a palace fire. Both claiming to be followers of Taoism, the benevolent and virtuous conduct of Emperors Wen and Jing evolved into such cruel and heartless tyrants more than a thousand years later, demonstrating the corrosive power of a secondary society on the simple and honest spirit of the original society.